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Zuzana Maďarová: Od socIÁlneho k sociálneMU

Od soclneho k sociálneMU

Vládna koalícia a politická opozícia na Slovensku sa navzájom kritizujú, ohovárajú, „žerú“, a to bez ohľadu na to, aké strany sa nachádzajú v ktorej pozícii. Snažia sa vytvoriť dojem, že sú od svojho politického oponenta úplne odlišné, lepšie, čistejšie, transparentnejšie, chudobnejšie a morálnejšie. Proste iné. Analýza vládnych a opozičných diskurzov[1] počas hospodárskej krízy však naznačuje, že naratívne stratégie podľa prieskumov najsilnejšej opozičnej a koaličnej strany sú si v mnohých aspektoch veľmi blízke. Vzájomne preberajú témy, stratégie i konkrétne slová.

Tento článok je výberom z výsledkov analýzy diskurzov[2] strán Smer-SD a SKDÚ-DS, ktorú som realizovala v rámci spoločného projektu feministickej organizácie ASPEKT, jej partnerských organizácií z Českej republiky, Poľska a Ukrajiny so Zastúpením Nadácie Heinricha Bölla vo Varšave. Výsledky projektu sú zverejnené v publikácii Rodové dôsledky krízy. Aspekty vybraných prípadov, trinástej publikácie zborníkového radu Aspekty. Knihu na Kriteku recenzoval Joachim Becker.

Súčasťou publikácie je aj analýza Jarmily Filadelfiovej Rodové dimenzie krízy. Situácia na trhu práce a vládne protikrízové opatrenia, prípadová štúdia Janky Debrecéniovej Štátne sociálne dávky „na podporu rodiny“. Analýza vybraných zákonov prijatých v čase krízy a úryvky z rozhovorov so ženami v materských centrách v Detve, Hriňovej a v strešnej organizácii Asociácia materských centier v Bratislave.

Diskurzy koalície a opozície mali, samozrejme, svoje špecifiká. Diskurzy Smeru využívali paternalistickú naratívnu stratégiu, v rámci ktorej zdôrazňovali potrebu ochrany občianok a občanov pred dôsledkami krízy, ako aj pred opozíciou a médiami. Zvýznamňovali potrebu silnej pozície štátu, kritizovali neoliberalizmus a vážnosť dôsledkov hospodárskej krízy relativizovali v závislosti od konkrétnej témy.

Diskurzy SDKÚ-DS boli charakteristické heroistickou naratívnou stratégiou. Prostredníctvom kritiky vlády a zdôrazňovaním potenciálnych vážnych dôsledkov krízy si vytvárali priestor pre vytvorenie/upevnenie vlastnej pozície hrdinov, ktorí nás všetkých zachránia (pred dôsledkami krízy aj pred vládou R. Fica). Používali pojmy ako „nevyhnutná obnova“, „skutočná alternatíva“, „ekonomická záchrana“. Zároveň však naznačovali komodifikáciu ľudí, keď hovorili o občanoch a občiankach predovšetkým ako o „daňových poplatníkoch“.

K zaujímavým javom dochádzalo pri prechode slova „sociálny“ z vládneho diskurzu. Vládna koalícia v zložení Smer-SD, SNS a ĽS-HZDS sa prezentovala ako „sociálna vláda“, vo svojom programe uviedla ako jeden z hlavných cieľov budovanie „sociálneho štátu“ a po nástupe krízy začala uzatvárať „sociálne partnerstvá“, ktoré označila za jeden z hlavných prostriedkov na prekonanie recesie. Ubezpečovala obyvateľstvo, že ani počas krízy nesiahne na „sociálne istoty“ a prijímala „sociálne opatrenia“.

Vládny diskurz používal pojem „sociálny“ v mnohých kontextoch, pole pre priradenie významu k nemu preto zostalo veľmi široké. Často sa odvodzoval od ďalších pojmov ako solidarita alebo zodpovednosť. Medzi zodpovedných pritom podľa vlády patrili ľudia a inštitúcie vo zvýhodnenej pozícii (napr. zamestnávatelia, štát alebo banky) a mali mať povinnosť byť solidárni s tými, ktorých kríza postihla najviac (napr. ľudia, ktorí prišli o prácu).

„Pôjde o garanciu toho, že Slovenská republika je naozaj sociálny štát a že nie je možné nechať človeka, ktorý príde bez vlastného zavinenia o prácu a ešte mu hrozí aj to, že príde o bývanie, nie je možné ho nechať bez akejkoľvek pomoci“ (Fico, Prepis videozáznamu…, 2009).

„[B]anky chápu svoju úlohu nielen v oblasti ekonomiky, ale chápu aj svoje silné spoločenské postavenie, ktoré majú v rámci krajiny. Čiže máme zodpovednosť voči našim vkladateľom, klientom, akcionárom, ale máme aj spoločenskú zodpovednosť…“ (Vida, 2009).

Uvedené citáty naznačujú, ako prechádzal diskurz o „sociálnom“ zo strany vlády na jej spolupracovníkov, resp. sociálnych parterov (napr. Igor Vida zo Slovenskej bankovej asociácie). Pojem „sociálnosti“ a „zodpovednosti“ označoval ľudí, organizácie a aktivity, ktoré mali občiankam a občanom pomáhať udržať si prácu, neprísť o strechu nad hlavou a pod. Oba termíny, ale predovšetkým slovo „sociálny“, zastrešovali v spoločnosti tých „dobrých“ a vymedzovali ich voči druhej strane „zlých“ (politická opozícia, médiá). (Viac v podkapitole 1.4 Hra na „dobrých“ a „zlých“.)

Sila vládneho diskurzu o „sociálnom“ sa prejavila aj jeho preniknutím do diskurzov politickej opozície, kde možno sledovať zmenu jeho významu v závislosti od obdobia. Najskôr sa v diskurze SDKÚ-DS objavilo slovné spojenie „sociálna sieť“ v zmysle nepriaznivého ekonomického i spoločenského prostredia a závislosti od sociálnych dávok štátu.

„Ľuďom, ktorí prichádzajú o prácu, ľuďom, ktorým hrozí, že sa ocitnú v sociálnej sieti, môže byť úplne jedno, či návrh, ktorý im môže pomôcť, predkladá opozícia alebo koalícia“ (Radičová, 2009a).

Neskôr strana začala tematizovať „sociálny štát“, a to vždy v spojení s kritikou vtedajšej vlády: „Dzurinda odkázal predsedovi vlády, že sociálny štát v podaní súčasnej vlády vôbec neexistuje, o čom svedčí zhoršujúca sa sociálna úroveň obyvateľstva a alarmujúci rast nezamestnanosti“ (Mikuláš Dzurinda: Sociálny štát, 2009). Opozícia kritizovala predstavy vlády o „sociálnom štáte“, no sama neponúkla vysvetlenie, ako by podľa nej mal vyzerať.

Napokon opozičný diskurz používal slovo „sociálny“ v spojení „sociálna kríza“, ktorú mala podľa SDKÚ-DS spôsobiť práve vláda:

„Ak vláda nezastaví takúto ničivú politiku, po vláde strany Smer nebude na Slovensku žiaden sociálny štát, ale len sociálna kríza“ (Mikloš, 2009).

V tomto výroku môže Ivan Mikloš poukazovať na nadmerné používanie slova „sociálny“ vládou, čím by však podryl stratégiu vlastnej strany, ktorá si medzičasom tento pojem vzala za svoj. Dá sa teda predpokladať, že artikulovanie „sociálneho“ je dôsledkom pozitívneho prijímania tohto slova zo strany občianok a občanov. Naznačujú to aj texty, ktoré webová stránka SDKÚ-DS publikovala v období, keď sa strana pripravovala na parlamentné voľby. Jej predstavitelia a predstaviteľky totiž opäť nadviazali na vládny diskurz a zdôrazňovali potrebu obnovy „princípov spravodlivej a sociálnej politiky“ (Radičová, 2009b).

Vládne a opozičné diskurzy spájala významná skutočnosť – nezohľadňovali rodové hľadisko, nevyužívali rod ako kategóriu, prostredníctvom ktorej by mohli krízu tematizovať. Svoje argumenty stavali na predpokladanom rovnovážnom rozdelení moci medzi mužmi a ženami v spoločnosti, nezamýšľali sa nad rôznymi dôsledkami, ktoré recesia mohla mať pre mužov a ženy, ale ani pre rôzne skupiny žien a rôzne skupiny mužov (v závislosti od etnickej príslušnosti, sociálneho statusu, vzdelania, zamestnania, regiónu a pod.).

Vo vládnych aj opozičných diskurzoch dochádzalo k zneviditeľňovaniu žien, a to rôznymi spôsobmi. Viac sa napríklad tematizovali maskulinizované odvetvia hospodárstva (automobilový, stavebný priemysel a pod.), nehovorilo sa o odvetviach hospodárstva, v ktorých pracujú prevažne ženy. Zároveň však dochádzalo k zneviditeľňovaniu žien prostredníctvom jazyka. Vo všetkých analyzovaných textoch autori a autorky používali generické maskulínum, podstatné a prídavné mená mužského rodu pre označovanie mužov aj žien – politici, ekonómovia, odborníci, zamestnanci, zamestnávatelia a pod.

Ako uvádza Jana Valdrová (2005), v angličtine, francúzštine, nemčine a iných jazykoch bol tento jazykový úzus identifikovaný ako mechanizmus, ktorý znevýhodňuje ženy, pretože podľa psychologických testov mužský jazykový tvar navodzuje predstavu muža. V kontexte článkov, prejavov, vyhlásení a tlačových konferencií o kríze tak došlo aj v dôsledku používania rodovo necitlivého jazyka k vytvoreniu dojmu, že recesia sa dotkla predovšetkým mužov. Rodovo nevyvážený jazyk patrí medzi najčastejšie formy skrytej diskriminácie, ktorá vedie k reprodukcii stereotypných rolí žien a mužov (GITA).

Viac o politických diskurzoch v období krízy, o tematizovaní krízy v médiách, ako aj o iných rodových aspektoch krízy nájdete v knižke Rodové dôsledky krízy. Aspekty vybraných prípadov (ASPEKT, 2010).

Zdroje:
Cviková, Jana (ed.): Rodové dôsledky krízy. Aspekty vybraných prípadov. Bratislava: ASPEKT 2010.

Fairclough, Norman: Discourse and Social Change. Cambridge – Malden: Polity Press 2008.

Mikloš, Ivan: Štátny rozpočet – neúmerné zadlžovanie a ničenie verejných financií. 30. 10. 2009. Dostupné na: http://www.sdku-ds.sk/article/showArticle/statny-rozpocet-neumerne-zadlzovanie-a-nicenie-verejnych-financii.

Mikuláš Dzurinda: Sociálny štát v podaní súčasnej vlády vôbec neexistuje. 22. 10. 2009. Dostupné na: http://www.sdku-ds.sk/article/showArticle/mikulas-dzurinda-socialny-stat-v-podani-sucasnej-vlady-vobec-neexistuje.

Prepis videozáznamu podpisu memoranda o spolupráci pri riešení hospodárskej krízy medzi vládou SR a SBA. 5. 2. 2009. Dostupné na: http://www.government.gov.sk/13477/prepis-videozaznamu-podpisu-memoranda-o-spolupraci-pri-rieseni-hospodarskej-krizy-medzi-vladou-sr-a-sba.php.

Radičová, Iveta: SDKÚ-DS navrhuje predĺženie podpory v nezamestnanosti. 13. 10. 2009a. Dostupné na: http://www.sdku-ds.sk/article/showArticle/sdku-ds-navrhuje-predlzenie-podpory-v-nezamestnanosti.

Radičová, Iveta: Obnovme princípy spravodlivej a sociálnej politiky. 13. 11. 2009b. Dostupné na: http://www.sdku-ds.sk/article/showArticle/obnovme-principy-spravodlivej-a-socialnej-politiky.

Valdrová, Jana: Gender a jazyk. In Smetáčková, Irena – Vlková, Klára (eds.): Gender ve škole. Příručka pro vyučující předmětů občanská výchova, občanská nauka a základy společenských věd na základních a středních školách. Praha: Otevřená společnost 2005.

Webová stránka Genderovej informačnej a tlačovej agentúry GITA http://www.ta-gita.cz.

Webová stránka Slovenskej demokratickej a kresťanskej únie – Demokratickej strany www.sdku-ds.sk.

Webová stránka Úradu vlády SR www.vlada.gov.sk.


[1] V analýze chápem termín diskurz ako jeden zo spôsobov sociálnej praxe, teda tak, ako ho opísal Norman Fairclough (2008). Na jednej strane diskurz formujú a ovplyvňujú spoločenské (a teda aj rodové) štruktúry, na druhej strane sa sám podieľa na vytváraní tých spoločenských štruktúr, ktoré ho ovplyvňujú. Diskurz teda reprezentuje okolitý svet a zároveň ho spoluvytvára.

[2] Skúmala som materiály z webovej stránky vlády www.premier.sk, ktoré boli publikované v časti Vyhlásenia a prejavy (prepisy tlačových konferencií, vyhlásenia a prepisy prejavov členov vlády) v období od 1. októbra 2008 do 31. marca 2010 a obsahujú aspoň jedno z kľúčových slovných spojení „finančná kríza“, „ekonomická kríza“, „hospodárska kríza“. Za rovnaké obdobie a na základe rovnakých kľúčových slov som analyzovala aj materiály z webovej stránky www.sdku-ds.sk z časti Aktuality.

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  • Isabelle 09.02.2017 11:30

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