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Globálne partnerstvo pre „rozvoj“ a krajiny V4

Zatiaľ poslednou reinkarnáciou rozvojového diskurzu sú Miléniové rozvojové ciele. Je ich osem a posledný z nich si zasluhuje zvláštnu pozornosť. Dotýka sa totiž vzťahov medzi chudobnými a bohatými krajinami. Pozrime sa, čo tento cieľ obsahuje a čo s ním majú spoločné krajiny Vyšehradskej štvorky.

Cieľ 8: „Rozvíjať globálne partnerstvo pre rozvoj“

Posledný miléniový cieľ sa skladá zo siedmych konkrétnejších zámerov a na meranie využíva indikátory uvedené v tejto tabuľke. Usiluje napríklad o nediskriminačný systém obchodovania, ktorý však zároveň bude zvýhodňovať vývoz najchudobnejších krajín. Týmto krajinám by mali byť umorené dlhy. Cieľom je tiež zaistiť zamestnanosť mladých ľudí, prístup k základným liekom a novým, najmä informačným a komunikačným, technológiám. Indikátory zodpovedajú zámerom a týkajú sa výšky pomoci v pomere k hrubému národnému produktu, jej smerovania, podielu dovozov z krajín globálneho Juhu do krajín globálneho Severu, ciel na Severe, podporám poľnohospodárstva, oddlženie v rámci iniciatívy vysoko zadlžených chudobných krajín (HIPC), miery nezamestnanosti mladých ľudí, podielu obyvateľstva s prístupom k základným liekom, počtu telefónnych liniek a osobných počítačov na 100 obyvateľov.

Posledný miléniový cieľ sa od ostatných odlišuje nielen v tom, že obsahuje dva až trikrát viac zámerov, ale najmä v tom, že kým drvivá väčšina zámerov je kvantitatívna a teda jednoznačne zmerateľná, zámery posledného cieľa sú všetky bez kvantitatívnych záväzkov. Zdá sa, akoby nebolo treba merať pokrok v oblasti reformy svetového obchodu alebo zadlženosti (Ziai 2011: 29). Hoci Správa o miléniových rozvojových cieľoch z roku 2012 (United Nations 2012) uvádza zmeny v počte používaných telefónov, zvyšovanie oficiálnej rozvojovej pomoci, či pokles priemerných ciel na poľnohospodárske produkty v krajinách Severu, ani jeden z týchto indikátorov sa nevzťahuje k záväznému cieľu, ktorý by umožnil zhodnotiť jeho napĺňanie.

Vo všeobecnosti tento cieľ vyzýva na globálne partnerstvo, avšak je veľmi otázne, ako ku globálnemu partnerstvu prispejú mobilné telefóny, či internet. To, čo omnoho viac umožňujú, je ešte hlbšia penetrácia kapitálu do krajín globálneho Juhu. Preto sa zdá, že namiesto partnerstva tento cieľ usiluje o udržiavanie a prehlbovanie nerovných mocenských vzťahov.

To súvisí s celkovým pohľadom na globálne vzťahy, ktoré dokumenty OSN vzťahujúce sa k Miléniovým rozvojovým cieľom obsahujú. Ich diskurzívna analýza ukazuje, že hoci globálna ekonomická liberalizácia viedla k nerovnej distribúcii prínosov z obchodu, všeobecne je považovaná za „potenciálne užitočnú“ (ibid.: 32). Aktéri sa jej majú prispôsobiť a ak toho nie sú schopní, je to ich chyba a nie problém samotnej liberalizácie. Dvanásty zámer usilujúci o rozvíjanie otvoreného systému obchodovania to vyjadruje jasne.

Napriek existencii štúdií dokazujúcich, že nie je jasný vplyv liberalizácie obchodu na chudobu (pozri napr. Winters – McCulloch – McKay 2004), OSN presadzuje voľnotrhové globálne „partnerstvo“.

Vyšehradská štvorka na semiperiférii svetového obchodu

Autor teórie kapitalistického svetosystému, Immanuel Wallerstein, rozdeľuje svet na jadro, perifériu a semiperifériu. Kľúčovým definičným prvkom pre zaradenie krajiny do jednej z oblastí je pre neho sofistikovanosť výroby. Štáty jadra produkujú vedúce produkty pochádzajúce napríklad z leteckého priemyslu alebo genetického inžinierstva. Štáty periférie produkujú jednoduché výrobky ako textil, alebo najčastejšie vyvážajú nerastné suroviny. V semiperiférii sa vyrábajú bývalé vedúce produkty ako oceľ, automobily, alebo dokonca počítače (Wallerstein 2004).

Vyšehradský priestor patrí do oblasti semiperiférie. Krajiny si tu navzájom konkurujú a usilujú sa o zaistenie presunu produkcie bývalých vedúcich produktov na svoje územie. Štáty periférie sú v tejto hospodárskej súťaži na omnoho horšej pozícii a dnes je aj z environmentálnych dôvodov zrejmé, že je prakticky nemožné, aby u nich došlo k zásadnej industrializácii.

Vývoj vzťahov Európskeho hospodárskeho spoločenstva (neskôr EÚ) s krajinami Afriky, Karibiku a Pacifiku dobre ukazuje nerovnosť medzi centrom a perifériou. Dohoda Lomé 1 odráža mocenské vzťahy, ktoré v čase ropnej krízy spôsobnej do určitej miery Organizáciou krajín vyvážajúcich ropu (OPEC) a v čase snáh o založenie podobných kartelov boli najviac naklonené v prospech globálneho Juhu v novovekej histórii. Program Stabex stabilizujúci príjmy z exportu zaisťoval stálosť svetového obchodu v prospech vývozcov nerastných surovín bez akejkoľvek kondicionality. Odvtedy sa podmienky tohto programu už iba zhoršovali reflektujúc stále viac a viac nerovné mocenské vzťahy medzi globálnym Severom a Juhom (Raffer – Singer 2001: 99–119).

Podobne asymetrické vzťahy však môžeme pozorovať aj medzi krajinami Európskej únie. Tu tiež existuje vysokoproduktívne jadro a periféria zložená z nových členských krajín a krajín s vysokou mierou súkromného a/alebo verejného, s nižšou produktivitou neschopných vyrovnať svoju platobnú bilanciu. Hoci periférna oblasť v rámci EÚ importuje produkty pochádzajúce z jadra, nie je schopná tento import dorovnať vývozom podobného rázu v rovnakom množstve.

Nerovná výmena je typická pre neokoloniálne vzťahy v súčasnom svete a nachádza sa ako vo vzťahu EÚ a globálneho Juhu, tak vo vzťahu jadra EÚ a jej periférie (pozri napr. Böröcz 2001). Napríklad Nemecko alebo Rakúsko investujú v krajinách V4, čo má za následok následný vývoz ziskov naspäť do materských krajín. Ďalším príkladom nerovnej výmeny sú zhoršujúce sa podmienky výmeny medzi krajinami globálneho jadra a periférie. Ceny primárnych produktov (okrem ropy) relatívne klesajú voči cenám sofistikovanejších výrobkov (Raffer 2011).

Krajiny V4 sa nachádzajú na pomedzí týchto antagonistických oblastí a na jednu stranu ich hlavným vývozným artiklom nie sú nerastné suroviny, na druhú stranu však nie sú schopné monopolizovať svoju produkciu a vyrábať najziskovejšie výrobky súčasnosti.

Ich cieľom však nemá byť snaha o presun výroby zo Západu na Východ, ktorý je vždy len prestupnou stanicou pred konečnou na globálnom Juhu s omnoho nižšími mzdami a sociálnou a environmentálnou ochranou. Tento scenár sa však neustále odohráva pred našimi očami a jeho poslednou epizódou je úspešná snaha slovenského premiéra Fica presvedčiť predstaviteľov US Steel, aby nezatvárali svoju oceliareň na Slovensku. Cena udržania si tejto fabriky sa môže vyšplhať až na 150 miliónov EUR (SITA 2013). Naopak, krajiny V4 by sa mali usilovať o narovnávanie nerovných vzťahov, ktoré idú nielen proti záujmom obyvateľov a obyvateliek globálneho Juhu, ale aj proti záujmom veľkých častí ich vlastného obyvateľstva. Nižšie príjmové skupiny sú najviac ohrozené globálnou konkurenciou tlačiacou na odbúravanie ochrany zamestnancov a ich miezd. Škandalózne mzdy šičiek z Hencoviec nie sú nejakým ojedinelým prípadom, ale dôsledok fungovania svetovej ekonomiky. Riešením nie je podliezť latku sociálnych štandardov a tým prilákať investorov, ale ju spoločne s ďalšími krajinami nastaviť tak, aby umožňovala dôstojné podmienky na život.

Záver

Vráťme sa teraz k téme textu, ktorou je ôsmy miléniový cieľ, „Rozvíjať globálne partnerstvo pre rozvoj“, a pýtajme sa, ako inak by sme mohli rozvíjať naše globálne partnerstvo s krajinami globálneho Juhu? Ak voľný obchod prináša prehlbovanie chudoby a nie jej odstraňovanie, kde by sme mali hľadať odpovede na naše otázky ohľadom tohto partnerstva?

Výskum ukazuje, že napríklad v nemeckej vláde dochádza k rozporom medzi ministerstvami hospodárstva, financií, či poľnohospodárstva reprezentujúcim údajný národný záujem a Ministerstvom pre hospodársku spoluprácu a rozvoj bojujúcim za záujmy globálneho Juhu. Vo všeobecnosti sa na medzinárodnej úrovni, napríklad vo WTO, presadzujú myšlienky prvých menovaných ministerstiev (Ziai 2010). Avšak tieto myšlienky neškodia len krajinám globálneho Juhu, ale aj nám, periférii Európy. Ako na to poukázali mnohí pozorovatelia, problém súčasnej európskej krízy je štrukturálny a nachádza sa aj v Nemecku (v slovenčine napr. Becker – Lesay 2012). To znamená, že riešenie napríklad dlhových problémov Grécka sa netýka iba schopnosti Grékov a Grékyň utiahnuť si ešte viac opasky (hoci už teraz sú tak utiahnuté, že tam rastie podvýživa), alebo zvýšiť svoju produktivitu, či zlepšiť výber daní. Riešenie môžeme tiež vidieť v schopnosti Grécka zmeniť štrukturálne nerovné vzťahy medzi európskymi krajinami s nižšou produktivitou a nižšou sofistikovanosťou výroby a krajinami s opačnými charakteristikami. Gréci, rovnako ako aj my, nemusia trpieť za to, ako (ne)výkonné je ich hospodárstvo v súčasnom medzinárodne-obchodnom rámci. My všetci môžeme zmeniť nastavenie obchodovania tak, aby viac vyhovovalo nám, Grékom a Grékyniam a ďalším krajinám semiperiférie. Zároveň by v súvislosti s ôsmym miléniovým cieľom rozvíjania globálneho partnerstva malo byť našou snahou spojiť sa ako súčasť semiperiférie s krajinami periférie v boji za spravodlivejší medzinárodný obchod (ale najmä lokalizáciu výroby). Menej nerovné vzťahy nebudú na osoh len nám, ale aj omnoho chudobnejším krajinám, s ktorými chceme budovať globálne partnerstvo. Toto sú záujmy, ktoré by sme mali v Európe reprezentovať, pretože sú nielen naše, ale najmä preto, že odrážajú všeobecnú túžbu obyvateľov Slovenska pomáhať druhým.

Článok je skrátenou verziou Aktuálnych listov Platformy MVRO 1/2013.

Odkazy

Becker, Joachim – Lesay, Ivan (2012): Život na úver. Všetko, čo ste chceli vedieť o kríze. Bratislava: Inaque.

Böröcz, József (2001): Introduction: Empire and Coloniality in the “Eastern Enlargement” of the European Union. In: Böröcz, József – Kovács, Melinda (ed.): Empire‘s New Cloth. Unveiling EU Enlargement. Telford: Central European Review, s. 4–50.

Finnemore, Martha (1997): Redifining Development at the World Bank. In: Cooper, Frederick – Packard, Randall (ed.): International development and the social sciences: essays on the history and politics of knowledge. Berkeley, Los Angels and London: University of California Press, s. 228–256.

Myrdal, Gunnar (1972): Asian Drama. An Inquiry into the Poverty of Nations. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books.

Raffer, Kunibert (2011): Terms of Trade and Development. In: O’Hara, Phillip Anthony (ed.): International Encyclopedia of Public Policy. Volume 1 – Global Governance and Development. Perth: Gperu, s. 454–464.

Raffer, Kunibert – Singer, Hans W. (2001): The economic North-South divide. Six decades of unequal development. Cheltenham and Northampton: Edward Elgar.

SITA (2013): U.S. Steel ostáva v Košiciach, bude to stáť milióny eur. Webnoviny.sk, <http://www.webnoviny.sk/ekonomika/us-steel-ostava-v-kosiciach-ficova/651281-clanok.html>.

United Nations (2012): The Millenium Dvelopment Report 2012. New York: United Nations.

Wallerstein, Immanuel (2004): World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. Durham: Duke University Press.

Winters, Alan – McCulloch, Neil – McKay, Andrew (2004): Trade Liberalization and Poverty: The Evidence so Far. Journal of Economic Literature, Vol. 42, No. 1, s. 72–115.

Ziai, Aram (2010): German development policy 1998–2005: the limits of normative global governance. Journal of International Relations and Development, Vol. 13, No. 2, s. 136–162.

Ziai, Aram (2011): The Millennium Development Goals: back to the future? Third World Quarterly, Vol. 32, No. 1, s. 27–43.

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